A Mind on Fire
Throughout his eventful life, America’s theologian was driven by a vision of the beauty in God’s sovereignty.
A battered file box, deep in the basement of Yale University’s Beinecke Library, contains a startling memorial to the final years of Jonathan Edwards’s life.
In other similar boxes, stacks of notebooks contain in their neat pages crisp rows of Edwards’s spidery handwriting. Their content is remarkable: profound, vivid, masterfully argued, piercingly clear—the fruit of a lifetime of fervent thinking about the nature of God, humankind, and the world. But their physical form is unremarkable.
Not so the notebooks contained in this box. One after another is stitched together from a riot of scrap paper: Half a page of a friend’s letter, left blank under the signature. The wide margin of a Boston newspaper. Several large sheets with semi-circles cut out of them.
Across these makeshift pages runs Edwards’s cursive script—tiny, cramped. It crawls from edge to edge of the paper, even between the lines of newsprint, wasting no fraction of white space.
These notebooks date from the great theologian’s Stockbridge phase—the period between 1751 and 1758. Ejected from his comfortable Connecticut Valley church after 21 years of loyal service, Edwards eked out these years with his wife and seven of their children at a mission church on Massachusetts’s western frontier. There, paper was presumably scarce, expensive, or both.
Some of the sheets sewn together in the Stockbridge notebooks were off-cuts from the manufacture of paper fans, which his children decorated and sold to add a few dollars to the family coffer. The other scraps would once have landed in the rubbish pile—but they could not be wasted any more.
In thriving Northampton, the pastor-theologian had enjoyed the resources of a prominent pastorate in a major New England town (though his salary, as he complained, was not always paid on time). Now he wrote his most influential intellectual works on such scraps, between preaching to a small congregation, catechizing converts among the Housatonic Indians and other tribes, and championing these Native Americans’ rights against the area’s powerful merchants.
The Freedom of the Will, True Virtue, Original Sin—how often, as he scratched out the ideas for these great treatises on the pages of his patchwork notebooks, was his work interrupted by worries about whether there would be vegetables and meat enough for the week’s meals, or how he would afford the wood necessary to mend a fence?
Born Again Through Beauty
Timothy and Esther Edwards had 11 children. Jonathan, the fifth, was the only son, born October 5, 1703. If, in New England, to be a minister was to be an aristocrat, he came from good stock. Timothy, a third-generation New Englander, served his East Windsor parish faithfully and ably; Esther’s father was Solomon Stoddard, whose decades of ministry in Northampton added luster to an already noble New England family.
What we know of Edwards’s childhood suggests that he was religiously serious even then, although he judged himself unconverted: the building of little dens in the woods is hardly unusual behavior for a young boy, but using them to hold prayer meetings alone or with friends certainly is!
Edwards describes his own conversion as an event that was not fundamentally intellectual (that is, about understanding the gospel in any better way) or even moral (that is, about desiring to follow Christ), but aesthetic: doctrines of God’s absolute sovereignty, which had appeared “repugnant” to him, suddenly seemed beautiful. Both the defense of Calvinism as an essential part of Christianity, and conceptions of beauty, became lasting features of his theology, which suggests how significant this event was in his life.
He was conscious that he had come to faith in an unusual way, and this concerned him. He records having doubts about his conversion because he could not fit his experience to the standard Puritan maps of the way God leads a troubled soul to salvation.
Distinguished Saints
From his conversion onward, Edwards remained fascinated with the problem of how to tell whether a Christian’s professed faith was truly real and saving. He contemplated the question throughout the Awakening in the 1730s and 1740s, and eventually gave the subject his fullest and most influential treatment in his Treatise on the Religious Affections (1746). Why was the question of such concern to him?
First, Edwards inherited a common Puritan concern about “temporary faith.” This idea, introduced by John Calvin, is a way of explaining the fact that church members sometimes fall away after years of faithful service, even though the Calvinist doctrine of the perseverance of the saints (“once saved, always saved”) insists that true Christians cannot fall away. The way of squaring this circle was to suggest that there is something that looks like true faith but is not—temporary faith. Thus, finding distinguishing marks of true faith becomes a necessity.
Second, Puritans responded to this problem by identifying a particular set of steps in a particular order as “the” way to salvation. Edwards disagreed with this aspect of the tradition. It fitted neither his own experience nor his pastoral observation. Thus, when he discussed how to identify true faith, he was sometimes aiming a critique at this tradition—a tradition now remote for most modern readers.
Third, in his cultural context, Edwards believed—as many still do—that fallen humanity is inherently religious. There is that within us that desires spiritual fulfillment; as Augustine put it, “thou hast made us for thyself, and our hearts are restless till they find their rest in thee.” However, while today unsaved “seekers” for religious satisfaction might find it in myriad fashionable religious practices, in Edwards’s New England, options were limited. Such seekers likely dwelt in the margins of the church, where they might appear to be zealous Christians while actually not being Christ-centered at all. Thus the issue of genuineness confronted the pastor in unavoidable ways.
So Edwards aimed to identify “The Distinguishing Marks of the Spirit of God.”
The Makings of Genius
That all lay in the future, however. Meanwhile, Edwards went to the Collegiate School, a new and troubled college, later to be called Yale, to train for the ministry. After graduating, he served, from 1723 to 1726, a Presbyterian congregation in New York. Then he came back to Yale to teach. While there, he suffered serious ill health.
Some time during this period, Edwards read and was deeply influenced by Locke’s Essay Concerning Human Understanding.
The precise date is difficult to determine, but a story told by one of his first biographers, which had a precocious, teenaged Jonathan reading it “with great delight and profit,” is almost certainly false. (It was based in part on an assumption that a philosophical notebook Edwards kept, Notes on the Mind, was written very early in his career. Recent chemical analyses of the inks used in that notebook show that the entries in fact span his adult life. We can also now trace with some exactness when copies of Locke’s work arrived at Yale, which again casts doubt on the older story.)
This is important, as Edwards has been painted as a precocious philosophical genius who failed to live up to his early promise when the fetters of anti-intellectual Calvinist theology gripped him. In fact, his philosophical development occurred alongside his theological development, and his thought in each of these areas deeply influenced the other.
























